What makes a manufacturing superpower?

Some reflections on Breakneck: China’s quest to engineer the future by Dan Wang.

Dan Wang’s new book on China is rightly getting great reviews. It’s a compelling read, engagingly written, reflecting both the author’s deep understanding of China’s developing economy, and his personal sympathy with the Chinese nation. It is admiring of Chinese achievements over the last couple of decades , while being entirely clear-eyed about the deficiencies of the political system and its human costs.

The big idea behind the book is to compare and contrast the two great powers of the world today – China and the USA, summarising that comparison in a neat formula. For Wang, China is the Engineering State, while the USA is the Lawyerly Society – and from that contrast, the complementary strengths and weaknesses of the two nations can be derived.

What kind of state is China? According to Wang, it is a “Leninist Technocracy with Grand Opera tendencies”.

Continue reading “What makes a manufacturing superpower?”

Another Modern Industrial Strategy

This is a slightly expanded version of an article published last week in Research Professional – The latest industrial strategy has made choices

Last week’s Industrial Strategy Policy Paper is the latest chapter in the chequered history of UK Industrial Strategies. For nearly three decades after Thatcher’s ascent to power, the UK’s strategy was not to have an industrial strategy, which was a concept associated with money-losing supersonic airliners and cars with square steering wheels. But that conventional wisdom has been challenged by a global financial crisis and nearly two decades of economic stagnation, so after a number of stops and starts over the last decade, a fully developed Industrial Strategy has now arrived. Continue reading “Another Modern Industrial Strategy”

The civic university in hard times

Universities in the UK at the moment are broke and unloved. In these circumstances, the temptation is going to be to withdraw to “core business” – teaching students, and for research intensives, doing the kind of research that pushes the institution up the international league tables, to attract the overseas students whose fees prop the whole system up. In a period of retrenchment, it might be tempting for managements to see supporting the role of universities in their communities as a dispensable luxury. I think this would be a profound mistake.

This isn’t to understate the difficulty UK universities find themselves in. Around three quarters of them are expected to be in deficit next year, and about a hundred are now actively restructuring or making staff redundant. This follows a 40% real terms erosion in fees for home students, and a business model, reliant on growing overseas student numbers, which has become both politically unpopular and exposed to geopolitical risk. The latest proposal – of a levy on international student fees – is both another financial blow, and a symbol of the way universities find themselves on the wrong side of culture war discourse. What’s quite clear is that, whatever recognition there might be in government of the university sector’s troubles, the sector is simply not a high priority for a government facing difficult issues on all sides. Continue reading “The civic university in hard times”

Moore’s Law, past and future

Moore’s Law – and the technology it describes, the integrated circuit – has been one of the defining features of the past half century. The idea of Moore’s law has been invoked in three related senses. In its original form, it was rather a precise prediction about the rate of increase of the number of transistors to be fitted on a single integrated circuit. It’s never been a law – it’s been more of an organising principle for an industry and its supply chain – and thus a self-fulfilling prophecy. In this sense, it’s been roughly true for fifty years – but is now bumping up against physical limits. Continue reading “Moore’s Law, past and future”

The economic impact of AI: three scenarios

Eighteen months ago I wrote about the potential economic effects of artificial intelligence – drawing attention to a “new Solow paradox”, in which rapid technological progress in machine learning and artificial intelligence has coexisted with continuing stagnation in productivity. What has happened since then?

Technical progress has continued, driven by massive investments, both in the companies developing the technologies themselves and in the huge server farms that are needed to provide the computing power to train and implement the models. Interestingly, there has been a significant upturn in productivity in the USA since 2023 (analysed in this recent Resolution Foundation report, PDF). Some of this is due to the USA’s increasing production of oil and gas, and some from the tech sector itself. But there has been a significant growth in productivity in those service sectors that use, rather than develop, technology. It’s at least plausible that some of this is being driven by the adoption of AI. Perhaps we’re seeing the beginnings of a resolution of the new Solow paradox.

What’s going to happen next? To try and clarify some of the widely divergent assumptions, it’s perhaps helpful to sketch out some scenarios. My primary purpose here isn’t to try and guess the most likely future outcome – personally, I’m deeply uncertain as to what’s going to happen. Instead, I think it’s interesting enough to ask what assumptions various actors are operating under, and how those assumptions themselves constrain and influence the future.

1. Intelligence explosion

In this scenario, two dynamics lead to the transformation of economy and society through AI. The first is a process of recursive self-improvement, by which the application of AI technologies to develop the AI methods themselves leads to a runaway process in the growth of the power and effectiveness of those methods. The second is an increasing application of AI to the physical world, leading to rapid technological progress in all fields. The outcome is a winner takes all economy, in which the controllers of the new technologies enjoy unprecedented political and economic power.

One of the most compelling early use cases of LLMs has been to write code, so it’s a natural extension to think that AI systems can be used to do systematic computer experiments in order to find an optimise algorithms for machine learning – it seems a fair assumption that this is already happening, contributing to the progress we’re seeing in the development of LLMs and reasoning systems.

But to make the hoped for transformational impact on the economy and society, artificial intelligence needs to have a more direct interaction with the physical world than simply through existing corpuses of text. This needs the incorporation of real time data of all kinds, together with improvements in robotics to intervene in the world. Self-driving cars are the prototype system here, but if AI is going to accelerate technological progress itself we need to move to self-driving laboratories.

Fully automated scientific discovery leads to rapid progress in medicine, but the biggest impact comes in developing the hardware infrastructure of computing itself. The planar CMOS integrated circuits that computing depends on now are replaced by new 3d assemblies of nanoscale electronic components, brought together in systems of ungraspable complexity. And so increasing computer power in turn feeds the acceleration of this intelligence explosion.

What does the economy look like in this scenario? It’s winner-take-all – the firm, organisation or nation which achieves this goal first accumulates an unprecedented degree of economic and political power. On the other hand, technological progress becomes so rapid that there’s a hope that everyone benefits

Who believes in this scenario? My impression is that this is a relatively conservative version of the Silicon Valley consensus, summarised in the near-universal SV opinion that artificial general intelligence (a term usually left poorly defined) is imminent. If this is what one believes, then the logical course of action is devote all possible resources to achieving this goal as soon as possible. It’s obviously a matter of self-interest to be one of the controllers of such an all-powerful technology.

But altruists can also reassure themselves that entirely focusing on this goal is the most effective way of solving any global problem. The corollary is that normal approaches to scientific and technological progress will soon become obsolete, so the existing scientific enterprise becomes less and less relevant and doesn’t need to be sustained.

2. Excel in prose

In this scenario, the development of large language models has essentially solved the problem of automating verbal reasoning, in the same way that spreadsheets automated arithmetic and bookkeeping. As happened with spreadsheets before them, this leads to the quiet transformation of most business processes. Productivity growth recovers, perhaps even doubling, to return to levels seen in the 1990’s. Beyond LLMs, the application of machine learning and artificial intelligence to the physical world continues to make incremental progress, though technological progress in the physical world remains markedly slower than in the digital world.

The first killer application for LLMs was machine translation, now a solved problem. Many of the problems of information flow in big organisations are susceptible to automation by LLMs – producing meeting notes, summarising documents, generating routine communications. As in previous technologies, the key factor limiting the speed of uptake is the need to adapt existing processes to create places where LLMs can contribute, but the number of compelling use cases steadily expands.

In software engineering, LLM assistants dramatically speed up the process of writing code, leaving more time for higher order tasks such as designing system architectures. The effectiveness and efficiency of LLMs themselves is significantly improved; a focus emerges on fine-tuning LLMs on custom datasets to improve their reliability and accuracy. More generally, LLMs enable natural language interfaces to computer systems of all kinds, potentially reducing the barriers to their widespread adoption.

On the other hand, early enthusiasm for artificial intelligence as a transformational technology in areas such as biotechnology and healthcare leads to some disappointment, despite early successes like AlphaFold. It turns out that the limiting factors here are fundamental shortcomings in our understanding of how biology works, and while machine learning and laboratory automation provides useful new tools, LLMs, as a technology fundamentally based on manipulating language, provide no dramatic shortcuts to developing scientific understanding of the natural world.

What are the economic implications of this scenario? One should expect significant productivity gains, but with a delay as business processes have to be adapted to make the most of the new technology. As with any new technologies, many of the early movers go bankrupt, but the firms that survive and make the most money from the technology are those that successfully integrate the technology into wider suites of business oriented software.

Who believes in this scenario? I think this is close to a consensus view of those economists and policy makers not directly involved in the AI business. For example, a recent US National Academies Consensus Report Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Work, from a blue-ribbon committee of economists and computer scientists, co-chaired by Erik Brynjolfsson and Tom Mitchell, identifies AI as a general purpose technology with significant potential to drive productivity improvements. However, it observes that “achieving the full benefits of AI will likely require complementary investments in new skills and new organizational processes and structures.”

In this scenario, the most effective focus will probably be on technology diffusion and skills development. Technological advances in other areas will depend on continued research and development spending, with the existing scientific enterprise benefitting incrementally from machine learning techniques.

3. Crash and burn

History has featured a number of financial bubbles, in which asset prices rise beyond any seeming connection to their underlying value. Many of these are related to technological advances, in which the advent of new technologies encourages an irrational exuberance based on overoptimism, both on the speed with which the new technologies will have an impact, and on the ultimate scale of that impact. The classic recent example is the dot-com bubble of the late nineties, while one can go back in history to episodes such as the Railway Mania of the 1840s in the UK.

In this scenario the current enthusiasm for AI is revealed as one such bubble – in scale, one of the biggest in history. The bursting of that bubble exposes a scale of over-investment so large as to risk the stability of the whole financial system, while the technology itself disappoints. Ultimately, rationality returns, and the technology finds useful applications. As in the case of the dot-com bubble, the capital infrastructure installed may ultimately yield useful returns, though not to the original investors.

The initial danger signals are continuing technical difficulties limiting the reliability of large language models, and fundamental issues in the business models underpinning the very large investments being made in the computing infrastructure to support LLMs. Larger models, trained on more data, still suffer from “hallucinations” – factual statements stated with great confidence and plausibility that turn out to be incorrect. The perception that LLMs are demonstrating any kind of real intelligence turns out to be largely a case of anthropomorphism. In fact, what LLMs tell us is not how intelligent and original computers have become, but how unoriginal and derivative most human interactions are. Rather than being “stochastic parrots”, LLMs have turned out to be automated “catechisms of cliché”.

Meanwhile, for those use cases that do turn out to have some value, a panoply of rival models – many open source – destroys the pricing power of the tech giants. It turns out that there is no “moat”, no way of achieving and protecting the monopoly position that Silicon Valley tech firms aspire to. Lacking the financial returns that would justify the huge cost of building out the infrastructure for artificial intelligence, those investments are written off and valuations of the tech companies – especially the “Magnificent Seven” tech giants, which saw such a huge increase while the enthusiasm for AI persisted, collapse.

To get a sense of the scale of the bubble, the market capitalisation of the Magnificent Seven increased by about $7 trillion between January 2023 and May 2025. Microsoft, Alphabet, Amazon and Meta have reported combined capital expenditure on AI of $246bn in 2024, up from $151bn in 2023.. OpenAI’s “Stargate” project to develop AI computing infrastructure, aims to raise $100bn now, with a total target investment of $500 bn. Substantial additional investments will have come from private equity and venture capital.

The overvaluation of the Magnificent Seven, together with the excess capital investments in the private market, can be thought of as a “bezzle”, in the sense discussed by Michael Pettis here. While the bubble persists, the owners of those overpriced assets are in possession of apparent wealth that doesn’t reflect the real productive capacity of the economy, but does lead to increases in GDP through a number of channels. But the bezzle always reverses, in turn depressing GDP, as the loss of apparent wealth is distributed across the economy. The outcomes include the failure of financial institutions (sometimes subsequently bailed out at the expense of the taxpayer), people across the world losing their savings, and a freezing of investments in other areas of technology as the venture capital industry retrenches.

As the situation stabilises, useful, but not transformative, applications are found for large language models, and the massive installed infrastructure of high performance computing finds new applications in science and engineering.

This is definitely a contrarian scenario – but contrarians are not always wrong. They will be bracing themselves for financial turbulence.

Last words

These are scenarios, not predictions, and it is possible to imagine many other different possibilities. But given the constant tendency to treat technological progress as unfolding along a single fixed track, it’s important to hold on to the fact that the future is open, especially when the range of plausible outcomes seems so large.

The end of wage growth in the UK

I’ve been writing about the UK’s slowdown in productivity growth for about a decade, as I discussed here. I think it’s fair to say that this issue is well-understood amongst economists and some policy people, but productivity is an abstract concept. So, it’s perhaps unsurprising that, even now, the seriousness of our economic situation isn’t fully understood by commentators and journalists, let alone the wider public.

But there’s one way in which our productivity slowdown has very visible everyday consequences – and that’s in the end of wage growth. As my plot shows, wages have flatlined in the UK over last 15 years. This long period of stagnation is unprecedented in living memory, & marks a decisive & unwelcome break from the UK’s postwar economic trajectory.

Average real weekly UK wages. Green: Composite Average Weekly Earnings series, corrected for inflation using consumer prices index. Thomas, R and Dimsdale, N (2017) “A Millennium of UK Data”, Bank of England OBRA dataset. Brown: ONS, Real Average Weekly Earnings, total pay, using CPI (seasonally adjusted). 18/2/2025 release.

The period from the end of the Second World War right up to the mid 2000s shows a remarkably consistent record of wage growth. There are moments of economic turbulence that are reflected in deviations from the trend of continuous 2.8% pa growth; a short-lived period of more rapid growth in the late 60s and early 70s – the Barber boom – with the excess growth unwinding in the mid-1970s crisis. And again, more rapid growth in the late 1980s Lawson boom, with the excess gains lost in weaker wage growth in the subsequent recession.

But nothing compares to the stagnation that we’ve seen since the global financial crisis. By the economic measure that arguably matters most to people at large – how their wages grow – the last decade and a half is by far the worst period since the war. In comparison, the economic turbulence of the 1970’s looks like a golden age.

UK labour productivity, index 2022=100. Data: ONS, 15/11/2024 release. Line: non-linear least squares fit to two exponential functions, continuous at the break point, which occurs at 2005 for the best fit. See When did the UK’s productivity slowdown begin? for more details of the fitting approach.

The end of wage growth in the UK is a direct consequence of the end of productivity growth. It’s worth making a couple of points about the link between productivity growth and wage growth. In the USA, that link is weaker than it was. But the UK is not the USA; while in the USA the labour share of GDP – the share of overall economic activity that goes to wages, rather than rewarding the owners of capital – has significantly fallen, this is not so in the UK. For whatever reason, in the UK, over the last decade, the labour share of GDP has actually increased.

Of course, my plot of wage growth presents a single average, and it’s a fair question to ask how the distribution of wages has changed with time – has this become more unequal, with more of the benefits of productivity growth going to higher earners? It turns out that, while there was a substantial increase in inequality in the 1980s, overall measures of income inequality have been relatively steady since then.

The wage growth plot explains so much about state of UK politics today. Few people have an intuitive feel in the abstract for what productivity growth – or its absence – means, but the sense of stalling living standards, and worse prospects for young people, is all too palpable.

The world of business R&D (and the UK’s place in that world)

Most research and development (R&D) in the world is done not in universities or research institutes, but by businesses – big businesses can do more R&D than medium size countries. A useful snapshot of this world is provided by the 2024 EU Industrial R&D Investment Scoreboard, which came out in December. The scoreboard lists the top 2000 companies in the world by their annual R&D expenditure, classifying them by sector and nationality of headquarters. In total, this amounts to total R&D spend of €1257.7 billion (converted at market rates), which the authors believe accounts for 85% to 90% of worldwide R&D funded by the business enterprise sector.

Unsurprisingly, the top companies are US tech firms – Alphabet, Meta, Apple and Microsoft – which between them spend €127 billion. Number 5 is the German auto firm Volkswagen, Asia provides numbers 6 and 7 in the shape of China’s Huawei and Korea’s Samsung.

Taking the world as a whole, the top sectors are Software, accounting for 19% of the total, Pharma at 18%, Automobiles at 15%. Tech hardware accounts for 16% and Electronic & Electrical hardware another 7%. These last two categories do have some overlap – the former includes Apple, Huawei, Intel, Qualcomm, Nvidia, Cisco and TSMC, while the latter includes Samsung, Siemens and Hon Hai (aka Foxconn).

How does the UK do? The share of world business R&D done by UK domiciled firms is 2.8%, and there are just two UK companies in the top 100 – the pharmaceutical companies AstraZeneca and GSK.

Of course, where a company is domiciled and where it does its R&D aren’t necessarily the same. Roughly half of UK business R&D is done by overseas owned companies – for example, the significant R&D carried out in the UK by the auto company Jaguar LandRover is ascribed in these statistics to its Indian parent, Tata Motors. This is a very high fraction of R&D done by overseas firms, by comparison with other countries of a similar size. The positive interpretation of this is that it is a testament to the attractiveness of the UK as a place to do R&D. But control matters, and this exposes the UK to the risk that this R&D may be more footloose than R&D done my domestically owned firms.

We can get a sense of the sectors that the UK focuses on by comparing the UK shares with the global fraction.

Pharmaceuticals is a clear leader for the UK – it accounts for 49% of the UK owned business R&D, which amounts to 7.5% of the world total. There is an interesting aspect to this, however – it is completely dominated by the two giants, AstraZeneca and GSK. This is in contrast to the USA, where there is a significant tier of relatively recently founded companies that have emerged from the biotech revolution – such as Gilead, Amgen, Moderna, Regeneron and Vertex, all with € multibillion R&D spend. UK pharma scale-ups – like Bicycle Therapeutics and Immunocore – are still an order of magnitude smaller.

The other area of specialism for the UK is Banking – this accounts for 17% of the UK’s R&D; this represents 41% of the world R&D in this sector. Of course, there may be issues of what is classified as R&D in different companies.

Where UK firms are largely absent is in Software, Tech hardware and Electronic & Electrical hardware. Between them, these sectors dominate global business R&D, accounting for 42% of all business R&D. But the UK accounts for just 0.6% of world Software R&D, 0.45% in Electronic & Electrical hardware, and a tiny 0.046% of world R&D in Tech hardware. Once again, this doesn’t take into account of R&D carried out in the UK by overseas firms – for example, DeepMind’s work will be ascribed to its US owner, Alphabet. But it does suggest that the UK has largely missed out on innovation in the fastest moving areas of new technology in its domestically owned firms.

Finally, one might ask how effective markets are at allocating resources to the areas where the need for innovation is greatest. Given the urgency of climate change, and the need for innovation to drive down the costs of low carbon energy, it’s depressing to see that business R&D in the Alternative Energy sector accounts for just 0.23% of the world total, with Oil and Gas still accounting for 1.05%.

Ten years of banging on about productivity

An advantage of having a long-running blog like this one, which is now twenty years old, is that it gives me an easy way of checking out some of the topics that were most exercising me at various points in the past. But it’s still a bit of a shock to realise that it’s been 10 years since I started banging on about the dramatic fall in the UK’s productivity growth rate. My plot emphasises that nothing has happened in the last ten years to change that dismal trend.

UK labour productivity, index 2022=100. Data: ONS, 15/11/2024 release. Line: non-linear least squares fit to two exponential functions, continuous at the break point, which occurs at 2005 for the best fit. See When did the UK’s productivity slowdown begin? for more details of the fitting approach.

The consensus at the time was that the problem was likely to be self-correcting, and that one could expect a resumption of the earlier trend of productivity growth (if not a recovery of lost ground). Nothing illustrates this better than the successive predictions of the Office of Budgetary Responsibility, which took until 2017 to realise that a new dawn for productivity growth might not be immediately around the corner.

Successive estimates, made between 2010 and 2017 by the Office of Budgetary Responsibility, of future productivity growth, as reported in the November 2017 Economic and Fiscal Outlook

In discussing productivity, my initial focus was on research and development. I’d already drawn attention to the long fall in the UK’s business R&D intensity, and in my June 2014 piece Business R&D is the weak link in the UK’s innovation system I connected this with two of the UK’s problems – its slump in productivity growth, and its persistent current account deficit.

In a follow-up piece, Rebuilding the UK’s innovation economy, I linked low business R&D to the wider problem of short-termism, as identified in the 2012 Kay Review of UK Equity Markets and Long-Term Decision Making, writing that “our shrinking R&D base is part of a bigger problem of short-termism, in which the structures of our capital markets and the reward structures for company managers excessively reward good financial performance in the present at the expense of longer term prospects for growth”.

What did I think ought to be done about it? What I was clear wouldn’t work by itself is what I call “supply side innovation policy” – the idea that if one supports basic science in universities and provides a supply of skilled people, that will automatically lead to economically significant private sector innovation: “But there’s no point driving [university based] scientists to be more collaborative with applied researchers in the private sector, if the private sector doesn’t have the R&D capacity to collaborate with”.

Instead, I argued that we needed to build that capacity, in key areas like health related research and energy: To be clear, here I’m not primarily talking about academic science; what is needed is directed R&D focused on delivering products. For some of these products – for pharmaceutical and medical innovations – the government will be the main customer, as well as being the direct financial beneficiary of savings in areas like the social care budget.

For energy, I argued that the emphasis should be on driving costs down for low carbon energy, including nuclear: “In the case of energy, the costs will be imposed on future customers through long-term guaranteed prices. For example, the Hinckley Point deal, for just one nuclear power station, will result in the transfer of several tens of billions of pounds from domestic and business electricity users to the overseas providers of the technology and finance. Instead of simply standing back and paying these bills (or imposing them on future taxpayers and customers),the government should use its power as the purchaser or guarantor to make sure new technologies are developed for the which the UK can capture significant value.”

To understand the causes of the productivity slowdown more fully, one needs to dive into a more detailed analysis of productivity performance in different sectors. My January 2015 piece,
Growth, technological innovation, and the British productivity crisis, took a first look at this, using early estimates from the ONS for total factor productivity by sector. Here there was a contrast between steady growth in ICT and manufacturing, and peaks – and subsequent falls – in two broad sectors: Agriculture, forestry & fishing, mining & quarrying, utilities, and Financial and Insurance. For the sectors including mining and quarrying, the peak was at 2003, and I believe that this largely reflected the output of the oil and gas sector – production of North Sea oil peaked around 2000. For the sectors including financial services, the peak was at 2007, so unsurprisingly correlated with the onset of the global financial crisis. My conclusion was essentially that the UK had been a victim of what economists call “Dutch disease”, following the peaking of North Sea oil and the bursting of a financial services bubble: “Manufacturing and ICT have been squeezed out by the apparently greater, but ultimately unsustainable, returns from oil and finance, and when those wells dried up the economy was left stranded.”

I still believe that Dutch disease is a helpful, though partial, lens to look at our productivity slowdown through. But since then we’ve learnt a lot more about the proximate causes of the UK’s sluggish productivity growth, and the sectors that have most contributed to the slowdown. A good overview can be found in The Productivity Agenda, from the University of Manchester based Productivity Institute (including a section by me on R&D).

For example, careful econometric analysis has identified that the key contributors to the slowdown, in sectoral terms, have been transport equipment, pharmaceuticals, computer software and telecommunications. This is counterintuitive, in that these sectors are generally thought of as strengths of the UK economy.

More generally, there seems to be a consensus that low levels of investment – in both the public and private sectors – is a major proximate cause of low productivity growth. I would include in this low overall investment record, the low levels of business R&D that first attracted my attention, more than a decade ago. Since it is widely accepted that technological innovation provides the basis for productivity growth, and R&D provides a formal structure for developing and implementing technological innovations, I would still insist on its importance.

But this doesn’t not yet answer the question of what it is about the UK’s political and economic system that has led to this state of chronic underinvestment, or what should be done to address that. The consequences, though, are clear – slow productivity growth has led to stagnating living standards and difficulties in funding public services at the level people expect. For my last words here, I’ll quote what I wrote in July 2014:

“The erosion of the UK’s capacity to technologically innovate was not inevitable – it was the unintended consequence of a series of political and policy choices over decades. We need to reverse this loss of capacity. This needs to be done as part of a broader rethinking of the variety of capitalism the UK economy is currently based on. Without this rethinking, we will be condemned to continue on our current trajectory of low growth, poor trade performance and ultimately, loss of national sovereignty.”

Taking Anglofuturism seriously

Regular readers of this blog won’t need reminding that the UK is in a stagnant bind, with economic measures like productivity and GDP per person flatlining since the global financial crisis (or earlier). The consequences are felt well beyond these arid economic aggregates; wage growth has slowed down, successive governments find it hard to fund acceptable public services, and there’s a palpable sour sense of malaise in our politics.

One interesting response to this has been the emergence of a loose constellation of commentators, activists and pressure groups, a techno-optimist movement calling for more houses to be built, for the barriers apparently stopping the country building infrastructure to be swept away, for cheaper and more abundant energy.

Britain Remade wants to “reform the planning process to deliver more clean energy projects, transport infrastructure, and new good quality housing at speed”, while the yimby Alliance , as keen subscribers to the “Housing theory of everything”, focus on the need to build more houses. A very widely talked about paper, Foundations: Why Britain has stagnated focuses on housing, infrastructure, and the cost of energy. Rian Chad Whitton likewise focuses on high energy prices, connecting this with the decline of the UK’s manufacturing base.UKDayOne focus on science, innovation and technology as the motor for UK growth and prosperity, particularly emphasising AI and nuclear power.

I’m going to follow Tom Ough and Calum Drysdale in gathering these strands together under the banner “Anglofuturism”. Their eponymous, and interesting, podcast embraces a cheerful and optimistic version of this vision, with its whimsical AI generated illustrations of flying pubs and thatched space stations.

But I believe the term (in its current manifestation, at least) was coined by the journalist Aris Roussinos, in rather darker hues. This was a call for rebuilt state capacity in a definitively post-liberal world, a vision that owed less to Adam Smith, and more to Thomas Hobbes, which some readers might think more appropriate to deteriorating geopolitical situation we face.

I don’t think there is an entirely consistent underlying political ideology here, but I think it’s fair to say that there’s a common centre of gravity on the centre right. This isn’t the place to analyse political antecedents or implications, and I’m not the right person to do that, but I do want to make some remarks about this emerging movement.

There is much in this agenda that I applaud and agree with. The UK needs to get back to productivity growth, and there is no fundamental reason why that shouldn’t happen. We haven’t reached some final technological barrier – far from it. And I think there’s a profoundly humanistic perspective at work here – people should be able to enjoy the fruits of prosperity.

Of course, there is an opposing argument that believes that continued economic growth is inconsistent with planetary limits. It’s clear that we need to move to a new model of economic growth that doesn’t impose externalities on the global environment, and in particular we need to shift our energy economy to one that doesn’t depend on fossil fuels. But to embrace “degrowth” is in my view both politically infeasible and, if sufficient will and resources are applied, technologically unnecessary. To put it another way, the last 15 years in the UK have been an experiment in degrowth, and the results have been ugly.

There’s an undercurrent of generational justice here too. The perception that young people in the UK can’t look forward to the same lifestyle as their parents is profoundly depressing. Nowhere is this more obvious than in the unaffordability of housing.

Where I think these analyses are less convincing is in identifying the origins of our current problems. In particular, I think an explanation of our current productivity stagnation needs to account for its timing. It’s certainly convincing to argue, as these authors do, that we would be better off if the UK had built more infrastructure over the last few decades, but I don’t think they really convince in talking about what conditions would have produced that outcome. Anglofuturism, in all its varieties, could be accused of willing worthy ends, without really specifying the means.


Labour productivity in the UK since the Industrial Revolution. Data from the Bank of England A millennium of macroeconomic data dataset, plot & fits by the author.

The Foundations paper puts a lot of blame on the 1947 Town and Country Planning Act – and the wider Attlee settlement. But I don’t think this makes sense in terms of the timing. As my figure shows, the period of fastest productivity growth in the entire history of the UK took place between 1948 and 1972. In fact, Roussinos harks back to this period, referring to “the optimism and high modernism of the post-war era, a vanished world of frenetic housebuilding and technological innovation where British scientific research could lead the world, and produce higher living standards through its fusion with well-paid, high-skilled labour.”


Labour productivity in the UK since 1970. ONS data, fit by the author. For the rationale for putting the break around 2005, see When did the UK’s productivity slowdown begin?

What needs to be explained is that the current slowdown began in the mid-2000s. There is some overlap with a developing consensus view from mainstream economics that the immediate problem has been a lack of investment in the UK economy (see e.g. The Productivity Agenda). This includes public investment in hard infrastructure, private investment in capital goods, and investment in intangibles like R&D. In my own work I’ve emphasised the significant reduction in the R&D intensity of the UK economy between 1980 and 2005, and given the generally technocentric flavour of the Anglofuturists, I’m surprised that this aspect isn’t more prominent in their arguments.


From Research, innovation and the R&D landscape, by R.A.L. Jones, in The Productivity Agenda.

Even if one agrees that investment levels have been too low, there isn’t really a consensus about the ultimate cause of the lack of investment. One common thread is a sense that building infrastructure in the UK has become too expensive because of excessive regulation. In one sense, this is a reflection of the fact that the comparative advantage of the UK is to be found in professional services. One can celebrate that fact that the UK has become a “services superpower”, but the downside was caustically expressed in this comment from Dan Davies

Giles Wilkes has discussed what he terms the “crud economy” at a bit more length. Economic actors respond to incentives, and this doesn’t always direct activity towards where we need it. As Giles puts it: “We need vastly more clean energy, actual hard defence equipment for handling nasty rogue nations, the soldiers to use it, and much more numerous and productive care and health workers for the ageing population. Mitigating the dangerous effects of climate change is going to take real physical capital and effort. These are actual hard problems – and being able to produce more streaming videos, intelligent AI-related chat, or brilliant legal ‘solutions’ to financial market problems is not exchangeable for the assets we need for the real problems. Just because the lawyer’s fee is expressed in dollars, and so is the cost of transforming the US electricity system, doesn’t mean the two can get traded together.”

One thing all branches of Anglofuturism agree on is the need for abundant, cheap energy, and on the bad economic effects that current high industrial energy prices are causing. This clearly causes strong feelings, to judge by the violent on-line reaction to Tom Forth’s entirely reasonable, from a classical market liberal perspective, comments about this, arguing that, while this situation was not good, it was “a smaller problem and of a lower priority than many other restrictions on growth in Britain.”

I agree that it would be better if energy prices in the UK were lower, but I think it is important to understand how this situation has arisen. High industrial energy prices now are causing serious problems for what industry remains in the UK, but I don’t think they can be blamed for the UK’s greater degree of deindustrialisation that its neighbours. This took place at a time when energy prices were low and falling.

The decision the UK government made in the 1980s was that energy was just another commodity whose supply could be left to the market. As it happened, this coincided with a moment in time when the UK switched from being a net importer of energy, to being a net exporter, having found abundant supplies of natural gas and oil in the North Sea. North Sea oil and gas production peaked around 2000, and the country switched to being an energy importer again in 2004. The UK’s relative success in decarbonising its electricity supply initially relied on an early switch from coal to gas; even after the more recent expansion of offshore wind the price of electricity is set by the internationally traded price of gas. This was fine until it wasn’t – in the 2022 gas price spike.

If our problem is that we rely on imported gas, whose fluctuating price is beyond our control, together with offshore wind, which is necessarily intermittent (as well as being generated a long way from where it is needed, connected by an inadequate grid), would it not be better if a much higher proportion of our energy was generated by nuclear fission?

An enthusiasm for nuclear power is a common thread running through all strands of Anglofuturism, and it’s one with which I have much sympathy. For all the progress there’s been in renewable energy, in 2022, 77.8% of our energy still came from oil, gas and coal, and I think it’s going to be difficult to have a fossil-fuel free energy economy which doesn’t depend on some nuclear power to provide firm energy . I deeply regret the failure of the nuclear new build programme of recent governments – of the 18 GW of new generating capacity planned in 2014, only 3.2 GW is even under construction.

But I think it is important, and salutary, to understand why this failure has occurred. My recent blog posts go into the story of the UK’s civil nuclear power programme in some detail . There are ways in which the regulatory and planning framework for civil nuclear could be streamlined, but the fundamental problem with Hinkley C wasn’t the fish disco. It was the fact that the UK government wanted the Chinese state to pay for it, and the French state to build it, as the UK state no longer had the will or capacity to do either.

The UK’s own civil nuclear industry was killed in the 1990s; in an environment of high interest rates and low natural gas prices, and an ideological commitment to leave energy supply to the market, there was no place for it. I do think the UK should recreate its capacity to build nuclear power stations, including the small modular reactors that are currently attracting much attention, but I don’t think this will happen without substantial state intervention.

I agree with the Anglofuturists that we shouldn’t resign ourselves to our current economic failures. I think we need to ask ourselves what has gone wrong with the variety of capitalism that we have, that has led us to this stagnation. It’s a problem that’s not unique to the UK, but which seems to have affected the UK more seriously than most other developed countries. The slowdown seems to have begun in the 2000s, crystallising in full at the Global Financial Crisis.

This timing points to changes in the nature of capitalism and political economy that took hold in the decades after 1980, with the ascendancy of
market liberalism, the doctrine of shareholder value in corporate management, and an enthusiasm for outsourcing government functions to private contractors, no matter how central to the core purposes of the state they might appear to be. In the UK, even the Atom Weapons Establishment has been run by private contractors since 1989, with the government only taking ownership and control back from SERCO in 2020.

We have a new form of globalisation that followed from abolishing capital controls, together with a conviction that one doesn’t need to worry about the balance of payments, even though the persistent trade deficits the UK has run since then has meant ownership and control of national assets has moved overseas. We have a financial system that seems unable to direct resources to those activities that lead to long-term growth. We have a hollowed out state, that now lacks the capacity even to be an informed and effective contractor for services.

I agree with the Anglofuturists that our current stagnation isn’t inevitable, and I applaud their lack of defeatism. It doesn’t have to be this way – but to get beyond our current malaise, I think we need to ask some deeper questions about how our economy is run.

Revisiting the UK’s nuclear AGR programme: 3. Where next with the UK’s nuclear new build programme? On rebuilding lost capabilities, and learning wider lessons

This is the third and concluding part of a series of blogposts exploring the history of the UK’s nuclear programme. The pivot point of that programme was the decision, in the late 60’s, to choose, as the second generation of nuclear power plants, the UK’s home developed Advanced Gas Cooled Reactor (AGR) design, instead of a light water reactor design from the USA. This has been described as one of the worse decisions ever made by a UK government.

In my first post, “On the uses of White Elephants”, I discussed the way the repercussions of this decision have influenced UK government thinking about large infrastructure projects.

In the second post, “What led to the AGR decision? On nuclear physics – and nuclear weapons” I turned to consider the technical and political issues that led to this decision.

In this post, I bring the story up to date, discussing why post-2010 plans for new nuclear build have largely failed, and look to the future, with new ambitions for small modular reactors – and, ironically, a potential return to high temperature, gas cooled reactors that represent an evolution of the AGR.

Into the 2010’s and beyond – the UK’s failed Nuclear New Build programme

In the early 2010’s, the Coalition Government developed an ambitious plan to replace the UK’s ageing nuclear fleet, with new light water reactors to be built on the existing nuclear sites, involving four different designs from four different vendors. The French state nuclear company was to build 2 of its next generation pressurised water reactors – the European Pressurised Water Reactor (EPR) – at Hinkley, and another 2 at Sizewell. The Chinese state nuclear corporation, CGN would install 2 (or possibly 3) of its own PWR designs at Bradwell. At Moorside, in Cumbria, Toshiba/Westinghouse would build 3 of its AP1000 PWRs. At Wylfa, in North Wales, Hitachi would build two Advanced Boiling Water Reactors, with another two ABWRs to be built at Oldbury. In total this would give 18 GW of new nuclear capacity, producing roughly double the output of the AGR fleet. In 2013, this programme formally got underway, with the announcement of a deal with EDF to deliver the first of these new plants, at Hinkley Point.

This programme has largely failed. A decade on, only one project is under construction – Hinkley Point C, where the best estimate for when the two EPRs will come into service is 2030. The cost for this 3.2 GW capacity is now estimated as being between £31 bn and £34 bn, in 2015 prices, compared to an original estimate of £20 bn. To put this into context, the last nuclear power station built in the UK, the PWR at Sizewell B, cost about £2 bn, in 1987 prices for a 1.2 GW unit. Scaling this to the 3.2 GW capacity of the Hinkley Point project, and accounting for inflation, this would correspond to about £12 bn in 2015 prices. Where has this 250% increase in nuclear construction cost since Sizewell B come from? There are essentially two broad classes of reasons.

Firstly, more recent designs of pressurised water reactor, such as the EPR, or the Westinghouse AP1000, have a number of new safety features, to mitigate some of the fundamental weaknesses of the pressurised water reactor design, particularly its vulnerability to loss of coolant accidents. These new features include methods for passive cooling in the case of loss of power to the main cooling system, a “core catcher” system which contains molten core material in the event of a meltdown, and more robust containment systems, designed to resist, for example, an aircraft crashing into the reactor building. These new features all add unavoidable extra cost.

In addition to these unavoidable cost increases, some of the increase in construction cost must reflect a substantial real reduction in the UK’s ability to deliver a big complex project like a nuclear power station. One would hope that, if subsequent power stations are built to the same design with the construction teams kept in place, in the light of experience, the development of functional supply chains, and the creation of a skilled workforce, these costs could be reduced.

A sister plant to Hinkley Point, at Sizewell, has received a nuclear site license, but awaits a final investment decision. The capital for Hinkley Point C was provided entirely by its investors, which included the French state-owned energy company EDF and the Chinese state nuclear company CGN, in return for a guarantee of a fixed price for the electricity the plant generated over the first 35 years of operation. Thus the cost of the overrun in budget is borne by the investors, not the UK government or UK consumers. The deal was constructed in a way that was very favourable to the investors, so there was some cushion there, but the experience of Hinkley Point C means that it’s now impossible to attract investors to build further power stations on these terms. The financing for Sizewell C, if it goes ahead, will involve more direct UK state investment, as well as payments to the company building it while the reactor is under construction. These up-front payments will be added to electricity consumers’ bills through the so-called “Regulated Asset Base” mechanism, reducing the cost to the company of borrowing money during the long construction period.

So, sixteen years on from the in-principle commitment to return to nuclear power, no plant has yet been completed, and the best that can be hoped for from the plan to build 18 GW of new capacity is that we will have 6.4 GW of capacity from Hinkley C, and Sizewell C, if the latter goes ahead.

Why has the UK’s nuclear new build programme failed so badly? The original plans were misconceived on many levels. The plan to involve the Chinese state so closely seemed naive at the time, and given the changed geopolitical environment since then, it now seems almost unbelievable that a UK government could countenance it. The idea of having multiple competing vendors and designs makes it much more difficult to drive costs down through “learning by doing”; the most successful build-outs of nuclear power – in France and Korea – have relied on “fleet build” – sequential installations of standardised designs. And the reliance on overseas investors and overseas designs meant that the UK had no control over the supply chain, meaning that little of the high value work involved in the programme would benefit the UK economy.

At the root of this failure were the UK government’s unwise ideological commitments to privatised energy markets, making it resist any subsidies for nuclear power, and refuse to issue new government debt to pay for infrastructure. The legacy of the run-down of the UK’s civil nuclear programme in the 1990’s was a lack of significant UK government expertise in the area, making it an uninformed and naive customer, and a lack of an industry in the UK in a position to benefit from the expenditure.

Could there be another way? Since 2014, the UK government has expressed interest in the idea of small modular reactors (SMRs), and has given some support for design studies, with the UK company Rolls-Royce setting up a unit to commercialise them.

Back to the future – hopes for light water small modular reactors

There’s been a seemingly inexorable trend towards larger and larger pressurised water reactors – and, as we have seen at Hinkley C, that trend of increasing size has been accompanied by a dismal record of cost overruns and construction delays. There are, in principle, economies of scale in operating costs to be gained with very large units. But, as I’ve stressed above, the economics of nuclear power is dominated by the upfront capital cost of building reactors in the first place. If one, instead, built multiple smaller reactors, small enough for much of the construction to take place in factories, where manufacturing processes could be optimised over multiple units, one might hope to drive the costs down through “learning by doing”. This is the logic behind the enthusiasm for small modular reactors.

There’s nothing new about a small pressurised water reactors – by the standards of today’s power reactors, Admiral Rickover’s submarine reactors were tiny. Significantly, as I discussed above, the only remaining UK capability in nuclear reactors is to be found in Rolls-Royce, the company that makes reactors for the UK Navy’s submarines. But the design criteria for a submarine reactor and for a power reactor are very different – while the experience of designing and manufacturing submarine reactors will have some general value in the civil sector, the design of a civil small modular reactor will need to be very different to a submarine reactor.

Rolls-Royce is one of five companies currently bidding for a role in a UK civil SMR programme. Its design has currently passed the second of three stages in the process of getting regulatory approval for the UK market. The Rolls-Royce proposal is for a 470 MWe pressurised water reactor, using conventional PWR fuel of low enrichment (in contrast to the very highly enriched fuel used in submarine reactors). The design is entirely new, though technically rather conservative.

A power output of 470 MWe is not, in fact, that small – this is very much in the range of reactor powers of civil PWRs that were being built in the early 1970’s – compare, for example, the VVER-440 reactors built by the USSR and widely installed and operating in the former USSR and Eastern Europe. The Rolls-Royce design, in contrast to the VVER-440s, does include the safety features to be found in the larger, recent PWR designs, including much more robust confinement, “core catcher”, and passive cooling to cope with a loss of coolant accident, and it will incorporate much more modern materials, control systems, and manufacturing technologies.

There have been suggestions that SMRs could be sited more widely across the country, in towns and cities outside regular nuclear sites. This isn’t the plan for any UK SMRs – they are in any case too large for this to make sense. Instead, the idea is to have multiple installations in existing licensed nuclear sites, such as Wylfa and Oldbury. The Rolls-Royce design is currently undergoing the final stage of its generic design approval. It is one of five potential vendors currently participating in a UK government competition for further support towards deployment of a light water small modular reactor in the UK.

The other entrants to the SMR competition are two well-established vendors of large light water reactors – Westinghouse and GE-Hitachi, and two more recent entrants into the market, from the USA – Holtec and NuScale. Since none of these companies has actually delivered an SMR, the decision will have to be made on judgements about capability: experience shows us that there can be no certainty about cost until one has been built. But, in making the decision, the UK government will need to decide how strongly to weight the need to rebuild UK industrial capacity and nuclear expertise against pure “value for money” criteria.

The Next Generation? Advanced Modular Reactors

The light water SMR represents an incremental update of a technology developed in the 1950’s, at a scale that was being widely deployed in the 1970’s. Is it possible to break out from the technological lock-in of the light water reactor, to explore more of the very wide possible design space of possible power reactors? That is the thinking behind the idea of developing an Advanced Modular Reactor – keeping the principle of relatively small scale and factory based modular construction, but using fundamentally different reactor designs, with different combinations of moderator and coolant to achieve technical advantage over the light water reactor. In particular, it would be very attractive to have a reactor that ran at a significantly higher temperature than a light water reactor. A high temperature reactor would have higher conversion efficiency to electrical power, and in addition it might be possible to use the heat directly to drive industrial processes – for example making hydrogen as an energy vector and as a non-oil based feedstock for the petrochemical industry, including to make synthetic hydrocarbons for zero carbon aviation fuel.

We are also seeing a resurgence of interest in reactors using unmoderated (fast) neutrons. This is partly motivated by the possibility of breeding fissile material, thus increasing the efficiency of fuel use, and partly by the fact that fast neutrons can induce fission in the higher actinides that are particularly problematic as contaminants of used nuclear fuel. There’s an attractive symmetry in the idea of using the UK’s very large stock of civil plutonium to “burn up” nuclear waste.

The UK government commissioned a technical assessment of potential candidates for an advanced modular reactor. This considered fast reactors cooled by liquid metals – both sodium and lead, as well as a gas-cooled fast reactor. Another intriguing possibility that has generated recent interest is the molten salt reactor, where the fissile material is dissolved in fluoride salts. Here the molten salt acts both as fuel and coolant. Reactor designs using a thermal neutron spectrum include an evolution of the boiling water reactor which uses water in the supercritical state. All of these designs have potential advantages, but the judgement of the study was that, of these potential designs, only the sodium fast reactor was potentially close enough to deployment to be worth considering.

However, the study made a clear recommendation in favour of a high temperature, gas cooled thermal neutron reactor. Here, the moderator is graphite and the coolant is helium, as in the Advanced Gas Cooled Reactors. The main difference with AGRs is that, in order to operate at higher temperatures, the fuel is presented in spherical particles around a millimetre in diameter, in which uranium oxide is coated with graphite and encapsulated in a high temperature resistant refractory ceramic such as silicon carbide. There is considerable world-wide experience in making this so-called tristructural isotropic (TRISO) fuel, which is able to withstand operating temperatures in the 700 – 850 °C range. Modifications of these fuel particles – for example using zirconium carbide as the outer later – could permit operation at even higher temperatures, high enough to split water into hydrogen and oxygen through purely thermochemical processes. But this would need further research.

A Chronicle of Wasted Time

What’s striking about many of the proposals for an advanced modular reactor is that the concepts are not new. For example, work on sodium cooled fast reactors began in the UK in the 1950s, with a full scale prototype being commissioned in 1974. Lead cooled reactors were built in both the USA and the USSR. Molten salt reactors perhaps represent the most radical design departure, but even here, a working prototype was developed in Oak Ridge National Laboratory, USA, in the 1960s.

One of the reasons for the UK AMR Technical Assessment favouring the High Temperature Gas Reactor is that it builds on the experience of the UK in running a fleet of gas cooled, graphite moderator reactors – the AGRs. In fact, the UK, as part of an international collaboration, operated a prototype high temperature gas reactor between 1964 and 1976 – DRAGON. It was in this project that the TRISO fuel concept was developed, which has since been used in operational high temperature gas reactors in the USA, Germany, Japan and China.

At the peak of the 1970’s energy crisis, from 1974 to 1976, construction began on more than a hundred nuclear reactors across the world. Enthusiasm for nuclear power dwindled throughout the 1980’s, suppressed on the one hand by the experience of nuclear accidents at Three Mile Island and Chernobyl, and on the other by an era of cheap and abundant fossil fuels. In the three years between 1994 to 1996, just three new reactors were begun worldwide. In this climate, there was no appetite for new approaches to nuclear power generation, technology development stagnated, and much tacit knowledge was lost.

Some concluding thoughts

In 1989, the UK’s Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher made an important speech to the United Nations highlighting the importance of climate change. It was her proposal that the work of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change was extended beyond 1992, and that there should be binding protocols on the reduction of greenhouse gases; naturally, given her political perspective, she stressed the importance of generating continued economic growth, and of the importance of private sector industry in driving innovation. She reasserted her support for nuclear power, which she described as “the most environmentally safe form of energy”. As far as the UK was concerned, “we shall be looking more closely at the role of non-fossil fuel sources, including nuclear, in generating energy.”

Since Thatcher’s speech, another thousand billion tonnes of carbon dioxide have been released into the atmosphere from industry and burning fossil fuels, leading to an increase in the atmospheric concentration of CO2 from 350 parts per million in 1989 to 427 ppm now. To be fair, one should recognise that the worldwide nuclear power industry has produced 390,000 tonnes of spent nuclear fuel, producing 29,000 cubic meters of high level waste. This needs to be permanently disposed of in deep geological repositories, the first of which is nearing completion in Finland.

But even as Thatcher was speaking, the expansion of nuclear power was stalling. In the UK it was Thatcher’s own Chancellor of the Exchequer who had in effect killed nuclear power, through the lasting impact of his ideological commitment to privatised energy markets in an environment of cheap fossil fuels.

To be clear, what killed the UK’s nuclear energy programme was not a wrong choice of reactor design; it was a combination of high interest rates and low fossil fuel prices, all in the context of a worldwide retreat from nuclear new build, with a strong anti-nuclear movement, driven by nuclear accidents in Three Mile Island and Chernobyl, by the (correctly) perceived connection between civil nuclear power and nuclear weapons programmes, and by the problem of nuclear waste. The circumstances of the UK were particularly helpful for a continued dependence on fossil fuels; the discovery of North Sea oil and gas gave the UK, now a net energy exporter, a 15 year holiday from having to worry about the geopolitics of energy dependence.

But, for industrial nations, security of access to adequate energy supplies has always been an issue of existential importance, too often driving conflict and war. The Ukrainian war has given us a salutary reminder of the importance of energy supplies to geopolitics. Energy is never just another commodity.

The effective termination of the UK’s civil nuclear programme in the 1990’s undoubtedly saved money in the short-term. That money could have been used for investment – future-proofing the UK’s infrastructure, in supporting R&D to create new technologies. Political choices meant that it wasn’t – this was a period of falling public and private investment – instead it supported consumption. But there were costs, in terms of losing capacity, in industry and the state. Technological regression is possible, and one could argue that this has happened in civil nuclear power. In the UK, we have felt the loss of that capacity now that policy has changed, very directly in the failure of the last decade’s new nuclear build. Energy decisions should never just be about money.